Drawing by Natalia Mikhailenko for Kommersant
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An unforeseen twist in the Syria crisis concerning
the future of President Bashar al-Assad is looming, according to Russia’s
political and business daily Kommersant.
"We aren't
defending Assad," an unidentified Kremlin source told Kommersant earlier
this week. "The president of Syria has missed his chance. The likelihood
of him remaining in power is slim, about 10 percent."
On
Thursday, July 5, Kommersant also published a comment by Konstantin von Eggert surprisingly
titled, “The Kremlin will give up Assad.”
Eggert is a
commentator and host for radio Kommersant FM, Russia's first 24-hour news
station. He also writes a weekly column for RIA Novosti. In the 1990s he was
Diplomatic Correspondent for Izvestia and later the BBC Russian Service’s
Moscow Bureau Editor.
Here
is Eggert’s 405-word opinion piece published Thursday by Kommersant:
Russia has had it its way – there will be
no Western military intervention or forced change of regime in Syria; however,
the West also seems to have succeeded – Bashar Assad’s fate will soon
become a bargaining chip in negotiating future settlements.
According to unnamed sources, Russian
officials have admitted in private that the Syrian leader has missed the boat
and his chances of remaining at the presidential Tishreen Palace in Damascus
are slim. Yet Moscow wants him to delay stepping down as long as possible. Back
in the spring, Russian Foreign Minister Sergei Lavrov made it clear that the
Yemeni scenario for handover of power in Syria would suit Russia. In Yemen,
former President Ali Abdullah Saleh handed over the reins to his vice president
and retired with a personal security guarantee in his pocket. This scenario
will not work in Syria – so much blood has been shed there that the Yemeni
clashes will never ever match the Syrian civil war. Furthermore, there are many
more religious groups in Syria than in Yemen.
The potential future leader of Syria
will have to address two tasks that are virtually mutually exclusive – to
retain the loyalty of the army that currently supports Assad and simultaneously
dismantle the regime. There is no such man in the Syrian opposition at the moment.
Assad, who has done his best to keep the Syrian political field barren, now
says there is no one to negotiate with. But I guess that nature abhors a vacuum
and so the opposition will find someone, while Assad, for his part, will likely
eye Minsk as a possible destination. Belarusian President Alexander Lukashenko
has nothing to lose by offering asylum to Assad; he has already alienated half
the world. The Kremlin, on the other hand, will not be willing to irritate the
Arabs by offering the former dictator a new home.
The hardest thing to imagine is Vladimir
Putin or Sergei Lavrov calling Assad and saying, “Pack your bags. There is
nothing else we can do for you.” This will be the end of the special
relationship between Moscow and Damascus, which was established 40 years ago
during the first years of the presidency of Hafez Assad, the incumbent
president’s father. Even if some of Russia’s interests in Syria should be
protected by special accords, there will be new people arriving at the Damascus
offices, without any Moscow numbers on speed dial on their phones.
Separately,
Syrian opposition figures are meantime heading to Moscow this week for talks
with Lavrov.
The
Russian foreign minister will meet with delegates from the Syrian
Democratic Forum tomorrow, Monday.
Lavrov
is also set to hold talks with representatives of the Syrian National Council
(SNC), the country's largest opposition group, on Wednesday.
SNC
executive member George
Sabra tells today’s edition of the Saudi daily Asharq
Alawsat: “It is hard to predict what will be the Russian positions during
our visit to Moscow on the 11th of July. But in discussing the
situation in Syria, we will be emphasizing the Syrian regime is a thing of the
past and they (Russians) need to concede this and start working for the transition
to a democratic and multiparty state bereft of killings and deaths.”
He
said the SNC group would be reiterating to Moscow that a transitional
government should exclude Assad and his clique but bring together both
oppositionists and loyalists. Referring to loyalists, he said Syrian army and
Baath Party ranks include many nationalist figures opposed to the regime’s
crackdown on its own people.
Commenting
on the reports in Kommersant, Sabra said, “This is additional proof that
Russian policy is evolving. Moscow is realizing Assad is the past. He is not
part of the problem – he is the problem per se. I hope the (Moscow) policy
shift won’t be long in coming…”