Having prised Iraq away from the United States, the
Islamic Republic of Iran is now sparring with Washington over Lebanon.
U.S. Assistant Secretary of State for Near Eastern
Affairs Jeffrey
Feltman and Iranian Vice-President Mohammad-Reza Rahimi
are this week’s shadowboxing stars at the Beirut arena.
“The American-Iranian race for Lebanon caused a
backlog of appointments for the two countries’ representatives with senior
Lebanese officials,” notes the pan-Arab and Saudi-owned daily al-Hayat
today.
It says Feltman and Rahimi’s exclusive meetings on
the side with their respective friends and allies are outer upshots of
Lebanon’s political divide.
Both men met, or are about to meet, with the Lebanese
president, speaker and prime minister. But their side meetings with friends and
allies were much more indicative.
Feltman conferred separately with Progressive
Socialist Party (PSP) leader Walid Junblatt and his senior aides, Lebanese
Forces leader Samir Geagea and a number of March 14 opposition parliamentarians
led by Boutros Harb. All are strong critics of President Bashar al-Assad’s
regime in Syria.
Rahimi -- who is heading a delegation of 15 cabinet
ministers, deputy ministers and ministry directors – elected instead to lay
wreaths on the graves of one-time Hezbollah spiritual mentor Sayed Mohammad Hussein
Fadlallah and Imad
Mughniyah, Hezbollah’s topmost military commander who was assassinated in Damascus
four years ago.
A statement by the U.S.
embassy in Beirut said Wednesday Feltman expressed Washington’s “steadfast
support for pluralistic and democratic governments in the region that protect
the rights of all citizens, including ethnic and religious minorities.”
The embassy said
Feltman “met with senior officials to discuss the political, economic, and
security situation in Lebanon, developments in Syria, and other regional
issues.”
But Beirut’s daily an-Nahar today quotes several politicians
as saying Feltman is reminding them of Lebanon’s international obligations to
uphold economic sanctions clamped on Syria and Iran and to extend humanitarian
assistance to Syrian refugees.
Rahimi, on the other hand, is reportedly
urging Beirut to implement earlier agreements signed by the countries within
three months. Ministerial sources told The
Daily Star Lebanon does not feel obligated to adhere to any implementation
timeframe for the accords. There are 16 of them covering the health, social
affairs, energy, industry, agriculture, justice, and economy sectors.
In his daily column for an-Nahar, Lebanese political analyst Rajeh
el-Khoury says, “The hive of political activity in Beirut yesterday took us
six years back to 2006, when (former U.S. secretary of state) Condoleezza Rice
announced the birth of The New Middle East, triggering a response from Iran
Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei that the U.S. will face defeat in Lebanon.
“Much changed in Lebanon and the region
since, but Lebanon remains a boxing ring…”
According to Khoury, three subject matters
concern Washington at this stage:
- To keep Lebanon safe and out of the way of any security breakdown in the South (bordering Israel) or North (bordering Syria). The breakdown could come in the wake of the Syrian regime’s undoing. Or, it could be instigated by Syria’s allies to export the Syrian crisis to neighboring countries.
- To see Lebanon apply banking sector sanctions against Iran and Syria.
- To have Lebanon fulfill its legal obligations by consenting and facilitating humanitarian assistance to Syrian refugees.
Likewise, says Khoury, three Lebanon subject
matters are of interest to Iran:
- To ensure its Lebanese allies remain in a position to channel all manner of help to its Syrian partner. That’s because the partner’s exit would dissipate 30 years of Iranian efforts to reach the shores of the Mediterranean and deal a strategic blow to Iran’s regional offshoots and influence.
- To bolster and expand ties with the Lebanese state, now that Hezbollah is its overseer.
- To help Lebanese allies win the 2013 general elections so Lebanon remains in Tehran’s camp or become its consolation prize in case it loses Syria.
“The perennial question,” Khoury says, is
“how long will Lebanon remain a boxing ring for outsiders?”
Hassan Haidar, writing
for al-Hayat, agrees that while Iran is doing everything in its power to help
the Syrian regime stay afloat “it is also bracing for the post-Assad stage” and
pondering damage-limitations steps in case Assad goes under.
“Rahimi’s visit to Beirut with a sizeable delegation
is to try and entrap Lebanon in a web that already includes Nouri el-Malilki’s
Iraq.” This probably explains why Tehran “mistakenly” sent to Beirut an accord signed with Iraq last month as a draft
to be signed between Iran and Lebanon.
Haidar believes the Islamic Republic is trying to
entice Lebanon by undertaking to build water dams, roads, power plants, sewers
and slaughterhouses and by promising to boost bilateral trade and set up
specialized bilateral education committees that would be tasked to update the
two countries geography and history textbooks…
If the Arab countries, especially in the Gulf, are
deeply worried about events in Syria, Haidar writes, they are urged to also
fret about the situation in Lebanon. “Standing up to Iran’s expansionism in
Yemen, the UAE, Bahrain, Syria and Lebanon should be done in unison.”