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Showing posts with label Mahmoud Ahmadinejad. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Mahmoud Ahmadinejad. Show all posts

Thursday, 2 May 2013

Iran: "Ahmadinejad arrested, quizzed and released”


Iranian President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad appears to have been arrested and held for questioning for seven hours this week by order of Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei.
Ahmadinejad was quizzed about his campaign to promote his favored candidate in the much-anticipated June 14 election of the Islamic Republic’s seventh president.
I have collated these two reports, one detailing news of his arrest and questioning and the other shedding light on Ahmadinejad’s campaign for his chosen successor.
The arrest
By Reza Kahlili, writing for World Net Daily (WND) under the title “Iran source: President Ahmadinejad arrested”:
Iranian President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad was arrested and held for seven hours Monday and warned to keep his mouth shut about matters detrimental to the Islamic regime before he was released, according to a source within the Revolutionary Guard’s intelligence unit.
After his visit to Tehran’s 26th international book fair Monday (April 29), the source said the head of Ahmadinejad’s security team informed the Iranian president that he had been asked to appear at the supreme leader’s office for an urgent matter.
On the way to the meeting, contact between the security team within the president’s convoy was disconnected while three other cars joined the convoy, instructing the lead car to take a different direction. Ahmadinejad, instead of being taken to the supreme leader’s office, was taken to a secret location in one of the buildings belonging to the Foreign Ministry, which is under the control of the Revolutionary Guards’ intelligence unit.
As soon as Ahmadinejad exited the car, he and his security team were involved in an altercation with Guards’ members in which his team was disarmed and communications equipment confiscated. Ahmadinejad was then forced to enter an office belonging to Hossein Taeb, the head of the Guards’ intelligence, located underneath the building.
As this was happening, the source said, hundreds of other Guards’ members from the intelligence unit sought out Ahmadinejad’s associates throughout Tehran and questioned them on the existence of documents detrimental to the regime.
Ahmadinejad was questioned for hours in a meeting with Taeb; Asghar Hejazi, the head of intelligence at the supreme leader’s office; Mojtaba Khamenei, the supreme leader’s son; and Gholam Hossein Mohseni Ejei, the attorney general. He was warned to back down from his claims against regime officials and given an ultimatum. The source added that Ahmadinejad was released back to his security team at 11:45 p.m. Monday, Tehran time.
Earlier, the regime’s media outlet Baztab reported that with just days remaining for the registration of presidential candidates, Ahmadinejad warned associates that if his hand-picked candidate to succeed him, a close confidant and a top adviser, Esfandiar Rahim Mashaei, was rejected as a candidate, then he would reveal tapes that will show the regime defrauded the voters in the 2009 presidential election.
One tape reportedly quotes officials as telling Ahmadinejad in 2009 that they will announce his total winning tally as 24 million votes where the real number was 16 million. In the same tape, Ahmadinejad insisted that the officials not do that. The Baztab site was immediately taken down by the regime’s security forces and is still offline.
Millions of Iranians took to the streets after the 2009 election results were reported, calling Ahmadinejad’s 62 percent tally of voters a fraud and demanding a free election. Thousands were arrested, with many tortured and executed. Ahmadinejad’s opponents, Mir Hossein Mousavi and Mehdi Karroubi, have been under house arrest ever since.
Under the constitution of the Islamic Republic, the 12-member Guardian Council decides the eligibility of who can run for office in the country, and anyone with any history of opposing the regime is barred from participation. The council is made up of six Islamic faqihs (experts in Islamic law) appointed by the supreme leader and six jurists nominated by the head of the Judiciary (who is himself appointed by the supreme leader), and then approved by parliament.
Ahmadinejad had previously warned that he would release documents not only on high-ranking Guards officers but also on leading members of parliament and the Justice Department that prove financial fraud.
The source added that it will be interesting to see if Ahmadinejad takes the warning or if he creates more problems with the regime, but one thing is sure: He could end up dead if he doesn’t.
The public relations office of the Iranian president subsequently issued a press release rejecting the existence of such a tape that points to fraud in the 2009 elections. In its release, it stated that publishing such news, by the regime’s media Baztab, is only with the intention of creating instability before the upcoming elections.
The UK DailyMail reporting on this WND story added that U.S. and British diplomats in the area are said to be aware of the reports and are viewing them “with interest.”
“It is potentially of considerable significance given the on-going internal political struggles as the election approaches,” one diplomatic source said.
The campaign
By Saeed Kamali Dehghan, writing for The Guardian of May 1 under the title “Who’s afraid of Mahmoud Ahmadinejad”:
As the countdown begins for elections that will usher in Iran's first new president in eight years, all eyes are still on Mahmoud Ahmadinejad, the unpredictable and mercurial man who looks unlikely to go quietly.
Shortly after the 14 June poll, he will have to relinquish his office in Tehran's Pastor street and hand over the keys to his successor. Given the tight timetable for Iranian elections, it is almost impossible to guess who that person will be.
With just six weeks to go, registrations for presidential candidates are only due next week. A number of hopefuls have already announced plans to run but their candidacies will not be valid until the powerful Guardian Council vets their competence and loyalty to the Islamic republic. In 2009, out of 476 registered nominees, only four candidates were allowed to stand – two of them, Mir Hossein Mousavi and Mehdi Karroubi, are under house arrest for refusing to accept the results and for alleging fraud.
The final list of this year's candidates is expected on 23 May and a three-week campaign period will follow.
Despite this, Ahmadinejad has embarked on an extensive schedule of provincial visits in what is suspected to be part of an election strategy designed to promote his favoured candidate. On Wednesday, he was visiting Rasht, the capital of northwestern Gilan province, situated on the coast of the Caspian Sea. At the weekend, he went to Tabriz in the East Azerbaijan province. Previously, he visited a number of other provinces, such as Isfahan, Khuzestan and Semnan. He is not alone; other nominees are following his footsteps.
Under Iranian law, the president cannot run for a third term but all the signs indicate that the 57-year-old Ahmadinejad, a relatively young politician in the Iranian hierarchy, has no plans for retirement. On the contrary, he is accused of planning a Putin/Medvedev-style reshuffle by grooming his chief of staff and close confidant, Esfandiar Rahim Mashaei.
In the eyes of loyalists to the supreme leader, Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, today's Ahmadinejad bears no resemblance to the young revolutionary and later Tehran mayor who rose to become president in 2005. Back then, he quickly became the ayatollah's protégé, enjoying an unprecedented influence over Iranian politics. Now, Ahmadinejad is at odds with his erstwhile patrons in the Revolutionary Guards and widely seen as a lame duck.
Ahmadinejad has fallen foul of the loyalists because of his unwavering support for Mashaei, who is accused of leading a deviant current in the inner circle of the president, loathed for their advocacy of greater cultural openness and nationalism.
Many are already counting down Ahmadinejad's dying days in office, believing they are his final days in power. Others think he still has a chance and, in case Mashaei is disqualified from running, is issuing challenges to the establishment by threatening to go out all guns blazing and pulling down the edifice of the political system that championed him.
But who is afraid of Ahmadinejad? In February, the president played a secretly filmed tape in the Iranian parliament - to the astonishment of millions of Iranians listening on national radio - that revealed the speaker's brother was allegedly trading on his sibling's influence for financial gain.
Many fear that the president's team have many more secret tapes and videos that could pose serious challenges to the Islamic republic; others say that is a bluff. "They have installed hidden cameras, listening devices in order to collect information and release them in public," Mohammed Ali Montazeri, a judicial official, warned this week.
Baztab, a conservative news website critical of the government, said in a report that Ahmadinejad was rumored to possess a tape that shows he received a phone call from the authorities right after the 2009 elections telling him they planned to announce that he had won millions more votes than the real tally. This was denied by the president's office this week and Baztab was taken offline on Wednesday.
"There are things to say..." Ahmadinejad said on a recent visit to the holy city of Qom, promising to reveal them at a future date. The president's menacing language has infuriated his rivals and, as elections approach, everyone is watching for any unexpected movements that may embarrass the supreme leader.

Tuesday, 7 August 2012

Syria: It’s payback time for Iran

Ahmadinejad with Assad and Nasrallah in Damascus and Maliki in Baghdad

Ghassan Charbel, editor-in-chief of pan-Arab daily al-Hayat, penned this op-ed in Arabic
Iran bagged several gold medals without participating in any games throughout the past decade.
It won its first gold after the 9/11 attacks that triggered Great Satan’s war on al-Qaeda.
It clinched its second when U.S. forces rooted out the Taliban who made no secret of their hostility to the Iranian regime.
Iran won its third when U.S. forces brought down the regime of its nemesis, Saddam Hussein, in Iraq.
It secured its fourth gold medal by way of the 2006 Lebanon War.
The great Iranian program’s future looked rosy. When Mahmoud Ahmadinejad visited Baghdad (in 2008), he was fully confident that U.S. troops there were looking for an opportunity to leave. (Two years later) he went to Damascus, where posters of him with Bashar al-Assad and Hassan Nasrallah consolidated the rejectionist crescent. He seized the occasion of his (October 2010) visit to Beirut and South Lebanon to put the region and the world on notice that his country’s missiles were beached on Mediterranean shores.
Iran won the gold medals and stepped up its quest for the ultimate prize: the bomb, or the ability to produce it and thus threaten the security of oil routes and Israel at the same time.
On the outbreak of the Arab Spring, Iran tried claiming parenthood. It was elated by the downfall of the West’s friends. But when the Arab Spring enveloped Syria, it stumbled into a ruinous trap.
Iran cannot let go of its strong and close alliance with the Syrian regime. Remaining neutral is implausible and keeping out is impossible.
Syria is not only a corridor to Hezbollah in Lebanon. It is much more than that. The relationship with Syria is the most important triumph of the 1979 Khomeini revolution. Iran’s presence in Damascus means its presence in Beirut and South Lebanon, in the Arab-Israeli dispute and in the Palestinian issue. Iran’s presence in Damascus also preempts any serious attempt to hem in the Iranian surge across the region.
Iran cannot accept losing Syria. But it can’t salvage the Syrian regime either. The regime is severely damaged at the core. The (Baath) party is on life support. The (Syrian) army’s image is badly blemished.
FSA guarding Iranians abducted Saturday in Damascus 
The Syria crisis lured Iran into a blatant and horrific clash with Syria and the region’s majority. The clash has some sectarian overtones as evidenced by the repeated abduction of Iranians in Syria. The isolation gripping the Syrian regime is afflicting Iran as well, notwithstanding Russia’s objections.
Iran is roasting on the Syrian fire. It can’t opt out or distance itself. Nor can it change the course of events. It is hurting because of developments in Syria and the sanctions. Not since the start of its (1980-1988) war with Iraq did it face such difficult circumstances.
Escaping forward from the Syria crisis by initiating armed hostilities in South Lebanon or instigating a major crisis in the Gulf seems fraught with dangers.
Sending volunteers to Syria would mean touching off a sectarian regional war.
Gambling on keeping hold of a slice of Syria would open the way to a reconfiguration of maps. That would open the doors of hell and require the consent of Vladimir Putin, who is exploiting the Syrians’ blood to reinforce his country’s status.
Iran is twisting and turning on the Syrian fire.
It is test firing new versions of missiles much as an anxious boxer tries reminding the world of his muscles.
The time of collecting gold medals has lapsed.
The time of losing out has dawned.