Gen. Tlass during his interview with Asharq Alawsat in Jeddah |
It is legitimate at times to blow your own horn -- in
this case, ArabSaga’s.
Yesterday’s post was the first in the global media to
report Syrian Gen. Manaf Tlass’ arrival in Saudi Arabia. It led off with his landing
in Riyadh before flying to Mecca to perform the Umrah. And it hinted at the
considerable significance of the visit a propos the Saudi drive to rid Syria of
President Bashar al-Assad (see the
posts of July 25, July 19 and July 18).
Today, the leading Saudi daily Asharq Alawsat
confirms Tlass’ presence in the kingdom by running a full-length
interview and a picture of him in Jeddah.
Significantly, the interview was conducted in person
overnight by Asharq Alawsat’s editor-in-chief Tariq Alhomayed.
The newspaper’s front-page screamer reads, “Gen.
Manaf Tlass to Asharq Alawsat: No to eradication and I don’t see Syria with
Assad.”
All this confirms my impression that Saudi Arabia is
grooming Tlass to lead the transition to post-Assad Syria.
Following are the crucial remarks Tlass makes in his all-embracing
interview with Alhomayed:
On
exiting Syria
My exit was a complex operation that took time and
involved several parties. But I won’t say more so as to protect those who
helped me. Maybe one day I will reveal how I exited Syria.
From the beginning, I disagreed with the regime on ways
to handle the crisis. I self-distanced myself for a while as mistakes in
handling the crisis multiplied. I had no decision-making input on the matter.
That’s why I preferred to leave. I always sought not to take sides. I tried to
help all sides come together to overcome the crisis. That’s why I didn’t give a
reason for my defection.
I am not looking for authority. I am looking forward
to security and stability for Syria. If I get the opportunity as an ordinary
citizen to return and build Syria, then I’m ready. But I am not looking for
authority.
I did not leave Syria to lead the transitional period.
I am aware the phase is difficult. It will be difficult for any one person to assume
sole responsibility for this chapter. Better if people on the ground in Syria and
abroad cooperate to see this phase through.
I did not leave to play a role. I left because I
refused to participate in a security solution. That’s the main cause of my
exit.
I was in disagreement with the security agencies over
their management of the crisis. I tried my best to solve it peacefully.
I discovered a security solution was their priority,
so I turned my back on this environment because I thought the crisis was complex
and needed a genuine solution.
What I saw was the uprising being met with nothing
but firepower. I refused that. There were people calling for dialogue and
wishing the regime would listen to them. But it did not. I was among those who
preferred having a dialogue with the uprising. That’s why I stood aside.
I was aware that once a security solution is
launched, abandoning it becomes costly. That’s why I always thought the
security solution is suicidal to the regime.
I self-distanced myself the instant the uprising was
met with violence.
I effectively defected at the onset of the crisis. I
was a defector while still in being in Syria. A defector doesn’t have to make a
televised declaration. I deemed myself a defector because the manner in which
this regime managed the crisis ran counter to my convictions and aspirations.
I don’t have blood on my hands. I don’t see history
ever suggesting I had blood on my hands. I judge myself before history judges
me. And I don’t care about authority or office.
On Assad
and the inner circle
It’s about a year (since I last met with Assad).
I wish he listened to me (and opted for a political solution).
Chances (of a solution that keeps him in office) have
dissipated. His staying in office after the huge number of deaths is unlikely.
I wish he didn’t opt for a security solution to stay in power. But the security
agencies misled him. Mistakes in politics can sometimes prove deadly.
(The bombing that killed four of Assad’s inner circle)
was proof of a major security lapse. The bombing took place in a very secure area.
This shows the uprising is getting evermore sophisticated and that the regime
needs to lend its ear (to insurgents). It will be catastrophic if it doesn’t.
Maher al-Assad would not have been at such a (inner
circle meeting). His ranking does not entitle him to attend.
A coup d’état in Syria would be difficult in view of
the regime’s structure. The coup should have taken place at the onset of the
crisis.
It would be difficult for me to quantify support (for
the regime by Iran, Hezbollah, Iraq and the Russians), particularly that I was
not a member of the crisis management team.
But the longer the crisis lasts, the more difficult
it would be for Syria to recover.
No, he (Assad) is not weak. People around him simply
belittled the crisis and that’s why he chose the security solution.
On
future plans
My plan is to settle securely with my family and
children in a place that is safe. I have the same wish for the Syrian people.
If Syria is safe and if safety is what Syrians feel,
I would be the first one back in Syria because I am a Syrian citizen. Safety
and security are what I wish for all Syrians, including myself.
I wasn’t thinking of whether I would be politically
active or not, or in terms of having a political mission, when I left Syria.
But if this were to serve my country and Syria’s security and stability, I’d
possibly play my role as an ordinary citizen. Anyone else wanting to help solve
this crisis would do the same.
There are nationalist people in and outside Syria. I
yearn for a consensus solution that forestalls Syria’s destruction.
There are many honorable people in Syria and beyond.
I hope they would set a roadmap to end this crisis peacefully and at minimal
losses to Syria.
This is because Syria is a country of coexistence bringing
together different minorities and ethnicities.
Citizens need a secure expanse to heal their
crisis-inflicted wounds. I look forward to genuinely nationalist and honorable
sides that can nurse those wounds and prevent further degradation in Syria that
puts its future at risk.
I wish Syria a roadmap to end its crisis.
I will connect with every honorable person wanting to
build Syria -- whether in the Syrian National Council, the Free Syrian Army or
inside the country.
I will link up with everyone to determine a roadmap
to end this crisis. There are many in the regime whose hands are not stained
with blood. They were not consulted. They should not be ostracized. We need to
safeguard our national institutions as well as Syria the state.
Honorable Syrian citizens can’t possibly be
ostracized from Syrian society. Our mosaic-like Syrian society will have to
bring back to life the Syria of old and build on it. But no, I don’t see such (new)
Syria with Bashar al-Assad (staying).
On Saudi
Arabia
I am happy to be here in the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia.
I am glad to have performed the Umrah.
Saudi Arabia is Syria’s friend. The regime committed
a strategic mistake in squandering this relationship with Saudi Arabia. I
expect Saudi-Syrian relations to always be close-knit because the two countries
share the same faith, nationalism and pan-Arabism compass.
I flew in to greet our Saudi brothers and weigh up
their propensity to help us draw the roadmap alongside our other friends in the
region and the international community. We shall interconnect with each and
everyone capable of helping Syria put a stop to this crisis.
I, of course, seize this occasion to thank the
Custodian of the Two Holy Mosques, His Majesty King Abdullah bin Abdulaziz, for
giving me the opportunity to visit Saudi Arabia and for standing by and
assisting the Syrian people.